You have to object to his belief, but you aresympatheticwith his position and see how he might have come to believe it;therefore,you humbly offer to steer him right, or at least to offer what youthinkis a more accurate view.
In 1878 Congress passed the Posse Comitatus Act, which has had important implications for the federal role in disasters. The Act generally bars military forces under federal command from being used for civilian law enforcement purposes.16 Under current law, federal military personnel may be used for disaster relief operations at the request of a state, but not for law enforcement.17 By contrast, National Guard units under the command of state governors are available to aid in law enforcement in disaster situations, as they were after Hurricane Katrina when the New Orleans police force collapsed.
A prominent member of the NYM was Nnamdi Azikiwe. When he joined in 1937, he was elected into its Central Executive Council. In the same year he established the West African Pilot, which became an instant success with a wide circulation and an unapologetically anti-colonial stance. The paper’s editorials focused on the themes of colonial injustice, exploitation, and racism. With Lagos as his base, Azikiwe was the first prominent nationalist from eastern Nigeria and he was able to mobilize the Igbo elite in Lagos in support of the NYM. Azikiwe energized the nationalist movement in West Africa from 1934 to 1949, becoming the best known anti-colonial crusader and journalist. Articulate and indefatigable, “Zik”, as he was called by thousands of his admirers, employed oratory and complex diction to great effect. He himself experienced the dramatic changes of the colonial period. As a young boy, he grew up in an urban, heterogeneous setting. He disliked the treatment of his father in the Nigerian Regiment, and of himself as a clerk from 1923 to 1925. He struggled to reach the United States where he attended a predominantly black college as a poor student and observed racial discrimination and protests by African-American organizations. Even with two degrees, he could not secure a civil service job in his own country and had to go to the Gold Coast (now Ghana) to establish the Accra Morning Post and publish his first book, Renascent Africa. In 1937 his newspaper published an essay by a labor leader, I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson, entitled “Has the African a God?” that criticized the colonial government in a way that it found libelous. Azikiwe was convicted, but later acquitted on appeal. He returned to Nigeria, where he became both a journalist and a nationalist.
There were people in the U.S. State Department, such as Abbot Low Moffat, head of the Division of Southeast Asia, who understood the intense nationalism of the Vietnamese people and could see through the imperial fictions, but their views were subordinate to those of higher authorities, particularly Secretary of State Acheson and President Truman. Acheson was of the view that all communist movements, political parties, leaders, and liberation armies were part of a global conspiracy directed by Moscow. Although his own department found no evidence of Moscow’s controlling hand in Vietnam (after three years of searching), Acheson claimed a collusion by virtue of both adhering to “Commie Doctrine.” Moffat traveled to Hanoi and met with Ho in December 1946. He reported to Acheson that Ho might be a communist, but he was first and foremost a nationalist seeking to establish an independent national state. Moffat maintained that “the majority of natives stoutly maintain that Ho Chi Minh is the man, and the only one, who represents them and they will oppose the putting forward of any other candidate as the creation of but another puppet.” His message fell on deaf ears.
However, Apple computer users who also useMicrosoft Word 97 or later are vulnerable to the same macroviruses that plague Word users on Microsoft Windows 95 or later.
The upshot is that increased federal intervention would backfire. As Matt Mayer says, the “states should not be rewarded for being underprepared,” which they are under the current system.98 Indeed, federal disaster aid in recent years is almost treated as if a state has won the lottery. After Hurricane Sandy, politicians in the affected states announced grand ideas about how they wanted to spend the tens of billions of dollars of federal relief money. A Bloomberg headline captured the essence: “Sandy Seen as Stimulus, Thanks to Rebuilding.”99
In 1948, the colonial government granted a number of concessions – the “turning point” towards decolonization. It reformed the Richards Constitution and announced measures to Nigerianize the civil service, democratize the Native Authorities, and expand higher education. Political reforms were introduced. Emerging leaders began to call for greater regional autonomy, creating associations to fight for this. The problems of ethnic politics that would consume Nigeria for the rest of the century had begun. Among the causes of ethnicity were the regional disparities created by colonialism, the competition in the urban environment for limited resources, and the instrumentalization of ethnicity by emerging politicians seeking the fastest means to mobilize support. Regional feelings eventually led to the emergence of regionally-based political parties. The Action Group (AG), based in the west, was led by Obafemi Awolowo, who used the Yoruba creation myth and the importance of the ancestral town of Ile-Ife to create a cultural organization, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa — “the descendants of Oduduwa” — that was transformed into a political party in 1951. The Northern People’s Congress (NPC), established in 1949, revived the memory of the Caliphate of the nineteenth century and used Islam to create a solid party for the north. A second major party emerged in the north, the left-wing Northern Elements Progressive Union ( NEPU), led by Aminu Kano. The NCNC, which had started as a national party, became the party of the east, controlled by the Igbo. Things would never be the same again as the leaders abandoned pan-Nigerian issues and focused more and more on regional concerns. Within one generation, nationalists became tribalists, interested in independence for narrow gains. Regional Houses of Assembly and a central Federal Parliament were established.
As the country entered the 1950s, radicalism witnessed a lull. Regional politics opened tremendous opportunities for aspiring politicians to run for office or serve in other prestigious capacities. The civil service expanded and . The first university was opened at Ibadan in 1948 as a university college, absorbing a number of young people who saw themselves as leaders of the future. Labor was no longer restless, in part because the economy had improved, and in part because the radicals in the Zikist movement had been abandoned in their moment of official persecution. Nigerian entrepreneurs were benefiting from Nigerianization and regionalism with better access to banks and government contracts and loans, in addition to acting as licensed buyers of a state-controlled export marketing scheme. New industries were being established and the domestic market was witnessing an upsurge. Exports of primary products expanded, allowing even the farmers to derive some small benefits. There was a massive increase in public expenditure in education, roads, energy, and industries. With very limited reflection on the implications of their actions, the politicians assured all Nigerians that development and improved standards of living were just around the comer. The 1950s became the golden era of hope and optimism in the history of modern Nigeria.
The 1923 Constitution was revised in 1947 as the Richards Constitution, named after the governor. This constitution aimed to bring the north and south together in a central legislative council without destroying the power of either the three regional assemblies or the Native Authorities. The constitution affirmed a country with three regions, each with its own assembly. The Executive Council, however, was still European, the franchise was again limited to Lagos and Calabar, and the Regional Assemblies lacked legislative power. Both the assemblies and the legislative council would include official and non-official members nominated by the governor and local authorities. Nigerians wanted more than this in the postwar era, and objected to the arbitrary manner in which the new constitution was introduced. The NCNC took the lead in criticizing the Richards Constitution. It organized tours all over the country to raise funds to send a delegation to London to protest the constitution. The tours raised political and national consciousness.
A federal response is, of course, crucial for terrorism and other threats where federal agencies have unique capabilities that states do not have. Federal agencies, for example, have specialized resources to handle chemical and biological attacks, pandemics, and nuclear threats. And, as discussed in this essay, the Coast Guard plays a crucial role in hurricane disasters, while the U.S. military is sometimes called into service for relief in truly major disasters. But nearly all of FEMA’s spending is for natural disaster preparedness, response, and relief that should be funded at the state, local, and private levels.